Missionary activity divides nation
Rajiv Malhotra
October 15, 2013
Dramatic scandals routinely fill India’s media headlines about some poor victim from a remote area being exploited by upper strata Delhi elites. Yet there is no investigative journalism to uncover the inconvenient facts about certain NGOs that operate what amounts to a human trafficking industry.
One reason for this conspiracy of silence is that the traffickers are linked with some politically connected NGOs that make noises in the metros ostensibly on behalf of the victims. In reality the noise made serves to cover up the sinister role of NGOs in this industry that brings Christianity to the remote villages in exchange for maids to Delhi.
The elaborate scheme works as follows.
Christian missionaries in adivasi (indigenous, “tribal”) areas offer poor families an inducement that is hard to resist: If the family converts to Christianity, one of its young daughters will be sent as a domestic servant to Delhi or another metro.
The affiliated “agencies” in the metros collect placement fees up to Rs 50,000 per maid from the household that hires them. In between the point of “recruitment” and the point of placement there are intermediaries that “sell”, transfer and move the young, vulnerable person through the supply chain. Money is exchanged at each stage.
The agencies keep relocating the same girl from one employer to another every few months in order to collect their placement fee repeatedly. This disruption adds to the trauma of the young girl. The agency becomes, by default, her only hope of security, and in the process she becomes even more vulnerable to the agency’s exploitation. Delhi alone is estimated to have several thousands of such girls being brought every year.
The cultural gap between India’s adivasis and its metro elites is larger in many ways than the gap between people living in Delhi and New York. The victim often gets duped into thinking that she is headed for the good life of an Indian metro, and her parents are often hand in glove in selling her into such a scheme. The money given to the parents is a “down payment” to convert them, their daughter’s placement as maid being part of the transaction. Many churches also provide safe transfer of the girl’s monthly salary back to her parents, with a certain “donation” charged by the church for its services. All this is a package deal for “being saved”.
This end-to-end system functions like the old slave trade from Africa to America and other continents — in which the church had also played a major role. Today’s racket hides behind the mask of helping the downtrodden by finding them employment in a faraway place. By no means do I wish to imply that all abuses of maids from villages are the result of this system, but that fact that such a system exists outside the bounds of investigative scrutiny is noteworthy.
In the most recent episode of this tragedy, a woman executive working for a French multinational in Delhi has been arrested on charges of committing atrocities against a girl from the Santhal tribe of Jharkhand state. The maid comes from Sahibgunj, one of India’s poorest districts.
The media is having a field day sensationalising this as child labour, even after the police confirmed that documents in her village show her to be over the age of 18. The girl had worked for this executive for only 3 months, prior to which she had worked in numerous other households in Delhi since age 15. So the child labour stage of her exploitation was done under several previous employers. But there is no investigation of the previous employers. Why?
The reason for authorities not pursuing the earlier employers is that the girl is a Christian convert from a very poor family; and uncovering the entire chain of events and parties involved would expose the nexus of the Jharkhand church, the political parties that use these poor folks as their vote bank, and various NGOs involved in so-called “human rights” programs.
The placement agency in Delhi is run by a Christian woman with likely links to the Jharkhand Church. The media sensationalises the matter as an isolated, localised episode when in fact it deserves to be investigated as a system of mafia-like underground network.
Brinda Karat, the rabid voice of the Communist Party of India, swung into rapid action targeting the maid’s employer, but not wanting a broader inquiry into the supply network that originates in the remote villages where her party seeks support from the church and NGOs.
Many other political leaders also saw opportunity in this scandal to show support for dalit communities whose votes can swing elections. These remote villages are also infested with Maoists seeking to topple the Indian state. The political stakes are high and NGOs compete to prove their worth by claiming to champion the plight of the poor. The same NGOs also raise funds under various “noble” pretexts.
The media ought to act more responsibly than selling us Bollywood-style action drama. To expose the large criminal networks and attack the roots of the problem, they should emphasize some systemic changes.
First and foremost, it should be declared illegal to offer employment or other material inducements for religious conversion of poor and vulnerable persons. In particular, the church, parents and agencies that are involved in peddling the labor of a person under age 18 should be prosecuted. This is the nexus where the focus of prosecution should be targeted when incidents of abuse are discovered.
At the same time, one should recognise the legitimate need for domestic servants in Indian metros. To serve this demand, agencies should have to be certified periodically that they are in compliance with all laws. This must include transparency of disclosure of the full details concerning every employee and employer served. There must be a mechanism by which the legal age of a potential maid can be formally ascertained and the agency must bear this burden prior to offering her as a candidate. All commissions and salary payments must be legalised.
The media must start educating the metro employers about the laws concerning minimum wages and others aspects. Right now most Delhi households lack such awareness, as the media has focused on sensationalism without its shouldering social responsibility or due diligence.
There are also many instances of exploitation in the reverse direction that should be noted: Elderly persons in Delhi are too often being criminally attacked by their domestic servants who threaten legal action with the help of NGOs, and thereby prevent the crime from being reported. I know of cases where a youth gang has repeatedly burglarised the house of an elderly woman living alone. The police have been reluctant to file charges because of the threat by NGOs that these youth criminals are protected as “minors”. This means tougher juvenile crime laws need to be enacted and enforced.
I have anticipated such NGO-backed crimes within India since the 1990s when I first became aware of foreign nexuses intervening in India’s so-called tribal areas.
It was a Harvard Roundtable Conference on Indology sponsored by Infinity foundation where I found that Western scholars had become very interested in Indian communities belonging to the “Munda” family of languages. The thesis formulated was that the Munda people were the only indigenous peoples of India. They were first invaded by the “foreign Dravidians” coming from the Middle East, and later on both the Munda and the Dravidians got invaded by the “foreign Aryans”.
Thus, Indians were classified into layers with the intention of empowering one group against the others.
In my earlier book, Breaking India, I mention some important US based interventions through this type of anthropology and linguistics work.
The Santhal community where the maid in the latest scandal comes from is one of the largest communities in what is called India’s “tribal belt”. Most anthropological studies on them were done by Christian missionaries since British times. The colonial-evangelical lens used was the same as for other non-Christian peoples that were encountered outside Europe, and many of its prejudices have become accepted by modern Indians.
The “tribals” are considered “pagans” because they believe in “animism”, meaning that they consider all of nature as inhabited with divine spirit. (Ironically, the latest trend among Western thinkers is to appropriate these very ideas into Judeo-Christianity, using fancy new terms like “panentheism” and “immanence” after studying Hindu philosophy on which such ideas are based.) These villages have been a hotbed for missionary activities for the past few centuries, and this intensified in 1914 when the first complete translation of the Bible into the Santali language was finished by a Norwegian missionary.
Clearly, the battle for fragmenting Indians has entered a new phase. “Tribal” Indians will be increasingly exploited in various ways in the guise of bringing them human rights. The media’s framing of such episodes as “secular” crimes of an isolated kind is a shallow and inadequate treatment of what is much deeper and multilayered. This issue has far reaching implications.
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RELATED PLEASE :The succeeding manuscript was distributed to the audience at the Book Launch Ceremony of the book :
" Breaking India : Western Interventions in Dravidian and Dalit Faultlines"
By : Rajiv Malhotra & Aravindan Neelakandan
In: Chennai
On: 03 Feb 2011
"SIX PROVOCATIONS IN BREAKING INDIA"
Dravidian Identity Constructed, Exploited & Politicized
The fabrication of South Indian History is being carried out on an immense scale with the explicit goal of constructing a Dravidian identity that is distinct from that of the rest of India. From the 1830s onwards, this endeavours key milestones have claimed that South India : is linguistically separate from the rest of India; has an un-Indian culture, aesthetics and literature; has a history disconnected from India's; is racially distinct; and, consequently, is a separate Nation. Tamil classical literature that predates the 19th century reveals no such identity conflicts especially with 'ALIEN' peoples of the North, nor does it reveal any sense of victimhood or any view of Westerners or Christians as 'LIBERATORS'. This identity engineering was begun by the British colonial and Missionary scholars, picked up by politically ambitious South Indians with British backing, and subsequently assumed a life of its own. Even then it was largely a 'secular' movement for political
power (albeit with a substratum of racist rhetoric). In recent decades, however, a vast network of groups based in the West
has co-opted this movement and is attempting to transform Tamil identity into the 'DRAVIDIAN CHRISTIANITY' movement premised on a fabricated racial-religious theory. This re-writing of history has necessitated a range of archaeological falsities and even epigraphic hoaxes, blatantly contradicting scientific evidence. Similar interventions by some of the same global forces have resulted in genocides and civil wars in Sri Lanka, Rwanda and other places. IF UNCHALLENGED THESE MOVEMENTS
COULD PRODUCE HORRIFIC OUTCOMES IN sOUTH INDIA.
Linking Dravidian and Dalit Identities
India has its own share of social injustices that need to be constantly addressed and resolved. Caste identities have been
used to discriminate against others, but these identities were not always crystallised and ossified as they are today, nor were they against any specific religion per se. Caste identity faultlines became envigorated and politicized through the British Censuses of India, and later intensified in independent India by vote bank politics. A dangerous anti-national grand narrative emerged based on claims of a racial Dalit identity and victimhood. But Dalit communities are not monolithic and have diverse local histories and social dynamics. There are several inconsistencies and errors in these caste classifications: not all Dalit communities are equivalent socially and economically, nor are they static or always
subordinate to others. While Dravidian and Dalit identities were constructed separately, there is a strategy at work to link them in order to denigrate and demonize Indian classical tradition (including spiritual texts and the identities based on these) as a common enemy. This in turn has been 'mapped' on to an Afro-Dalit narrative which claims that Dalits are racially related to Africans and all other Indians are the 'WHITES'. Thus, Indian Civilization itself is demonized as anti-humanistic and oppressive. This has become the playground of major foreign players, both from the evangelical right and from the academic left. It has opened huge career opportunities for an assortment of middlemen including NGOs, intellectuals and 'champions of the oppressed'. While the need for relief and structural change is immense, the shortsighted selfish politics is often empowering the movements' leaders more than the people in whose name the power is being accumulated. The 'SOLUTIONS' could exacerbate the problems.
Foreign Nexus Exploits India's Faultlines
An entity remains intact as long as the centripetal forces (those bringing its parts together) are stronger than the centrifugal forces (those pulling it apart). The study of a variety of organizations in the U.S.A. and Europe demonstrates certain dangerous initiatives that could contribute to the breaking up of Indian Civilization's cohesiveness and unity using various pretexts and programmes. The institutions involved include certain Western government agencies, churches, think-tanks, academics and private foundations across the political spectrum. Even the fierce fight between Christians and Leftists within the West, and the clash between Islam and Christianity in various places, have been set aside in order to attack India's unity. Numerous intellectual paradigms, such as postmodernist critiques of 'Nation', originating from the West's own cultural and historical experiences are universalized, imported and superimposed onto India. These ill-fitting paradigms take centre stage in Indian intellectual circles and many guilt ridden Indian elites have joined this enterprise, seeing it as 'progressive' and a respectable path for career opportunities. The book does not predict the outcomes but simply shows that such trends are accelerating and do take considerable national reasources to counteract. If ignored, these identity divisions can evolve into violent secessionism.
Religion's Role in the Competition for Soft Power
Global competition among collective identities is intensifying, even as the 'flat world' of meritocracy seems to enhance individual mobility based on personal competence. But the opportunities and clout of individuals in a global world relies enormously on the cultural capital and standing of the groups from which they emerge and are anchored to. As goes India and Indian culture (of which Hinduism is a major component), so will go the fate of Indians everywhere. Hence, the role of soft power becomes even more important than ever before. Religions and culture are a key component of soft power. Christian and Islamic civilizations are investing heavily in boosting their respective soft power, for both internal cohesiveness and external influence. Moreover, undermining the soft power of the rivals is clearly seen as a strategic weapon in the modern Kurukshetra.
Interrogating the Term 'Minority'
The book raises the question : 'Who is a Minority in the present global context?'. A community may be numerically small
relative to the local population, but 'globally' it may in fact be part of a 'majority' that is powerful, assertive and well-funded. Given that India is experiencing a growing influx of global funding, political lobbying, legal action and flow of ideologies, what criteria should we use to classify a group as 'minority'? Should certain groups, now counted as 'minorities', be re-classified given their enormous worldwide clout, power and resources? If the 'minority' concerned has actually merged into an extra-territorial power through ideology (like Maoists) or theology (like many churches and madrassas), through infrastructure investment (like buying large amounts of land, buildings, setting up training centres etc), through digital integration and internal governance, then do they not become a powerful tool of intervention representing a larger global force rather than being simply a 'minority' in India. Certainly, one would not consider a local franchise of McDonalds in India to be a 'minor' enterprise just because it may employ only a handful of employees with modest revenues locally. It is its global size, presence and clout that are counted and that determine the rules, restrictions and disclosure requirements to which it must adhere. Similarly, nation-states' presence in the form of consulates is also
regulated. BUT WHY ARE FOREIGN RELIGIOUS MNCs EXEMPTED FROM SIMILAR REQUIREMENTS OF TRANSPARENCY AND SUPERVISION? (For example: Bishops are appointed by the Vatican, funded by it, and given management doctrine to implement by the Vatican, AND YET ARE NOT REGULATED ON PAR WITH DIPLOMATS IN CONSULATES REPRESENTING FOREIGN SOVEREIGN STATES.) Indian security agencies do monitor Chinese influences and interventions into Buddhist monastries in the Northern mountain belt, because such interventions can compromise Indian sovereignty and soft power while boosting China's clout. Should the same supervision also apply to Christian groups operating under the direction and control of their Western Headquarters and Islamic organizations funded and/or ideologically influenced by their respective foreign headquarters? Ultimately, the book raises the most pertinent challenge : What should India do to improve and deliver social justice in order to secure its minorities and wean them away from global nexuses that are often anti-Indian?
Controlling the Discourse on India
The book shows how the discourse on India at various levels is being increasingly controlled by the institutions in the West
which in turn serve its geopolitical ambitions. So, why has India failed to create its own institutions that are the equivalent of the Ford Foundation, Fulbright Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, etc? Why are there no Indian university based International Relations programmes with deep-rooted links to the External Affairs Ministry, RAW, and various cultural, historical and ideological think-tanks? Why are the most prestigious journals, university degrees and conferences on INDIA STUDIES, in sharp contrast to the way CHINA STUDIES worldwide is under the control of Chinese dominated discourse, based in the West and mostly under the control of Western institutions?
The 'BLURB' has the following printed :
'This book is the only well researched work on the global nexus of anti-India players and their Indian agents, covering the past two centuries. Probably the best book I have read recently.'
- Dr. T.N. Ramachandran
International Institute of Saiva Siddhantha
' The speciality of this book is in its analysis of how Western institutions control Indian discourse through so-called academic research, human-rights fronts and support to secessionist forces in India. For anyone interested in understanding how South Indian history has been hijacked by anti-Indian forces from the period of colonization to current polity, this book is a must-read '.
- S.Ramachandran
Founder & Researcher
South Indian History Research Institute
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